Abstract: The educational system in Turkey is a massive and changing structure which covers more than 18 million students, a number greater than most of the member states in the U.N. Radical steps have been taken in terms of quality and quantity in the field of education in order to transform the “old Turkey” into the “new Turkey” in the last decade. Yet there are still serious challenges in the educational system and the Ministry of Education is struggling to correct them with successive reforms.
DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2015-3270.
Languages: English, Deutsch, Türkçe
The educational system in Turkey is a massive and changing structure which covers more than 18 million students, a number greater than most of the member states in the U.N. Radical steps have been taken in terms of quality and quantity in the field of education in order to transform the “old Turkey” into the “new Turkey” in the last decade. Yet there are still serious challenges in the educational system and the Ministry of Education is struggling to correct them with successive reforms.
The conception of “new Turkey” and “new Society”
In the beginning of the 20th century while the Ottoman State was disintegrating and the new Republic of Turkey was being established, many Ottoman intellectuals generally used to add the adjective ‘new’ at the beginning of their articles in order to define the ‘new’ situation and the future. Thus, while making several conceptualizations such as the “new Turkey”, “new society”, “new culture”, they were also pointing to significant differences between the past and the future. Although one hundred years have passed since then, intellectuals have started to use similar concepts, including “new Turkey”, “new society and policy”. This historical continuity explains radical changes that occurred in politics, social structures and mindsets in Turkey. The Justice and Development Party, which came to power in 2002, have been involved heavily in the construction of the “new Turkey.” Many steps since the early 2000s have been taken in almost all stages of education to get rid of these big problems.
Quantitive developments after the 2000s
For instance: Education in preschools and kindergarten was given importance like never before. In 2000, only 5.38 percent of children between 36 and 72 months of age were enrolled in educational institutions. Turkey witnessed significant improvements with respect to preschool education. Ten years later, the pre-school enrollment rate among children of 36-72 months of age increased eight-fold, reaching 39.7 % in 2012. A work place with more than 150 persons is (now) required to open a nursery.
Developments in primary and secondary schools: In 2002, 90.98 percent of all children attended primary school. After 2006, primary school enrollment levels improved significantly, and by 2012, 98.86 % of children gained access to primary education and the gender gap was practically eliminated. In the early 2000s, approximately 50 % of students in Turkey enrolled in secondary educational institutions. The most important improvement in this area was the adaptation of the ‘new’ law (known as the 4+4+4 reforms) to increase compulsory education to 12 years with a more flexible structure. In 2013, secondary educational enrollment rates increased to 70.77 %.[1]
Major developments in higher education: In 2002, only a third of 1.8 million university entrance exam applicants, approximately 660.000 students, were able to secure admission. Yet higher education enrollment levels rose from 14.65 % in 2002 to 38.50 % in 2013. In 2014, the university enrollment rate has increased up to 40 %. There were 76 universities in 2001; this number increased to 196 in 2014.[2]
Some Qualitative developments after the 2000s
Of course, Turkey’s educational developments in the sphere of educational are not limited to only quantity in the last ten years. The program, structure and philosophy of the Turkish educational system were changed to reflect contemporary values. While adopting coordination and harmonization with EU programs, these have been implemented gradually. Many regulations inherited from the 28 February coup period were terminated. The ‘headscarf ban,’ as well as the ‘coefficient factor’ which was applied after the post-modern coup, was abolished. Some of the ideological practices and rituals in education, including the ‘national festival celebration in stadiums’, ‘the lesson of national security’ and ‘the primary school oath’ were also terminated.
Some liberalization was provided in religious education, and some strict applications were abolished. The Imam Hatip junior high schools were reopened; the enactment of the 4+4+4 reforms meant that students could receive 12 years of education. University numbers and their quotas have increased several times. Tuition fees were abolished and scholarship and dormitory facilities doubled.
Projects and Support
Many positive contributions were made for female students. School textbooks have been distributed free of charge and educational aid was made available to poor families. School milk was distributed in schools for regular and healthy development. The government significantly improved the technological infrastructure of classrooms, launched the “FATIH Project” in 2011 to enhance the technological infrastructure of classrooms, providing all students with tablet computers. Yet Turkey did not develop the proper infrastructure, technical, logistical, and programmatic, in schools to support this project. TUBITAK has started many new programs and given many scholarships to academics in various fields to pursue research around the world.
Results, and deficiencies existing
Educational reform for the long term, in which the products of it are seen over many years, has certainly been a top priority of the “New Turkey.” Despite this, educational quality of the “New Turkey” is pretty low and only a few people emphasize the quality.[3] The numbers of university graduate employees are still rather low in the labor market. One of the infrequently mentioned issues is the quality of teachers and scholars. The “New Turkey” now has to make some qualitative reforms to address these issues.
Turkey has achieved great developments at each level of education, from kindergarten to higher education in the last decade. Looking at the impact of a variety of reform efforts, it becomes clear that Turkey made considerable progress vis-a-vis TIMSS and PISA scores over the past ten years. Even though the average scores of Turkey’s PISA performance in 2009 increased, it still remained considerably lower than the OECD average.[4] Despite various improvements, certain major problems and difficulties continue to persist in Turkey’s educational system. Even though Turkey’s government channels more public funds to education with each passing year, country-wide education spending remains significantly modest compared to OECD and EU member states.
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Further Reading
- Barak A. Salmoni, “Ordered liberty and disciplined freedom: Turkish Education and Republican Democracy, 1923-1950”, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol: 40, No: 2, March 2004, pp.80-108.
- Turam, Berna. Secular State and Religious Society, Two Forces in Play in Turkey, NY: Palgrave, McMillan, 2012.
Web Resources
- Section “Education” at the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (Ankara) (Section in Turkish only): http://setav.org/tr/Konular/15/egitim (last accessed 24.1.2015).
- Education Reform Initiative (ERI) within Istanbul Policy Center at Sabancı University (Istanbul): http://erg.sabanciuniv.edu/en (last accessed 24.1.2015).
- Teacher Trade Union of Turkey (partly in English): http://www.egitimbirsen.org.tr/egitime-bakis (last accessed 24.1.2015).
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[1] Çelik, Zafer and GÜR Bekir Sıtkı. “Turkey’s Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)”, [Ak Parti Döneminde Türkiye’nin Eğitim Politikası], Insight Turkey V.15/No:4 (2014), pp.151-176.
[2] ÖSYM 2012-2013 Öğretim Yılı Yükseköğretim İstatistikleri [Higher Counsel Educational Statistic for 2012-2013], Ankara: ÖSYM, 2013.
[3] Çevik, İlnur. “Kurdish Schools Being Used as a Propaganda Ploy”, Daily Sabah, 18 September 2014.
[4] OECD Education at a Glance 2013: OECD Indicators, Paris: OECD Publishing, 2013.
MEB Milli Eğitim İstatistikleri: Örgün ve Yaygın Eğitim 2013-2014 [The Ministry Of Education Statistics: Formal and Non-Formal Education], Ankara: MEB Yay., 2014.
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Image Credits
Writing Exams in Istanbul 2007 (c) ccarlstead (via flickr)
Recommended Citation
Gündüz, Mustafa: The New Turkey, New Educational Questions. In: Public History Weekly 3 (2015) 6, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2015-3270.
Das türkische Bildungssystem umfasst 18 Millionen Heranwachsende und befindet sich in einem intensiven Wandlungsprozess. Es ist beim Übergang von der “alten” in die “neue Türkei” offensichtlich, dass sowohl in qualitativen als auch in quantitativen Bereichen im Bildungssystem in den letzten Jahren radikale Schritte gemacht worden sind. Auf dem Weg in die “neue Türkei” gibt es aber weiterhin ernste Probleme. Das Kultusministerium versucht diese ernsten Probleme zu lösen und erfolgreiche Reformen durchzuführen.
Definition “Neue Türkei”, “Neue Gesellschaft”
Als Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts das Osmanische Reich aufgelöst und die neue Republik Türkei gegründet worden ist, haben die Intellektuellen um den Status Quo und die Zukunft zu definieren, meistens das Wort “neu” vor ihre Publikationen gesetzt. Sie wollten durch diese Definition “Neue Türkei”, “Neue Gesellschaft”, “Neue Generation”, “Neue Kultur” und ähnliches auf die signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen der Vergangenheit und der Zukunft hinweisen. Nach fast einem Jahrhundert wird in der Türkei heute wieder oft die Definition “Neue Türkei”, “Neue Gesellschaft und Politik”, “Neuer Staat” benutzt. Damit versucht man, die radikalen Veränderungen in der Türkei auf politischem, staatlichem, gesellschaftlichem und intellektuellem Niveau zu verdeutlichen. Der Dynamo dieser Wandlung ist die AKP, die 2002 an die Macht kam und mit schnellen Schritten den Aufbau der “neuen Türkei” fortsetzte. Nach 2000 hat man in allen Bereichen des Bildungswesens zur Lösung der Probleme in jedem Bereich viele Schritte eingeleitet. Zum Beispiel:
Quantitative Entwicklungen nach 2000
Vorschulische und schulische Bildung:Darauf wird geachtet wie bisher noch nie. Die Teilnahme an der vorschulischen Bildung lag bis zum Jahr 2000 bei 5,38%, betrug aber Anfang 2014 bei Kindern im Alter von 36-72 Monaten bis zu 40%. In diesem Zusammenhang hat man privaten Institutionen die Möglichkeiten eingeräumt, Kindergärten oder vorschulische Institutionen einzurichten. Betriebe, die mehr als 150 Mitarbeiter haben, müssen einen Kindergarten betreiben. Ähnliche Entwicklungen gab es auch in den Grundschulen. Während 2002 90,90% der Schulpflichtigen zur Schule gingen, betrug die Quote 2014 99,5 %. Somit hat die Teilnahme an der Grundschulpflicht die prozentuale Höhe der entwickelten Länder erreicht. Ähnliche quantitative Entwicklungen gibt es bei der mittleren Bildung. Anfang des Jahres 2000 lag die Teilnahme an der mittleren Bildung in der Türkei bei 50%. Besonders nach der Einführung des 4+4+4-Systems im Jahr 2011 und der Einführung der Mindestschulpflicht von 12 Jahren und dem Erlass des entsprechenden Gesetzes stieg diese Quote auf bis zu 75 % [1].
Entwicklungen in der Hochschulausbildung: Die signifikantesten, quantitativen Entwicklungen sind in der Hochschulausbildung zu erkennen. Anfang der 2000er Jahre nahmen 1,8 Millionen Schüler an Universitätszulassungsprüfungen teil, jedoch konnte sich nur 1/3 immatrikulieren. Die Hochschulbesuchsquote lag 2001 bei 14,65%, im Jahr 2014 lag diese Quote bei 40%. 2001 gab es in der Türkei 76 Universitäten, 2014 lag ihre Zahl bei 196. 73 dieser Universitäten gehören Stiftungen. In den letzten 14 Jahren hat sich die Zahl der neuen Universitäten im gesamten Zeitraum der Republik auf das Dreifache erhöht[2].
Qualitative Entwicklung nach den 2000er Jahren
Die Entwicklungen im Bildungsbereich in den letzten 10 Jahren in der Türkei sind nicht auf diese quantitativen Faktoren beschränkt. Das türkische Bildungssystem wurde hinsichtlich Programmstruktur und Philosophie, modernen Werten und Notwendigkeiten entsprechend verändert. In Koordination mit EU-Programmen und -Vorschriften wurden praktische Maßnahmen eingeleitet. Die meisten Regeln aus der Zeit des Militärputsches wurden eliminiert. Auch wenn bisher dies nicht in der Verfassung verankert wurde, ist das Kopftuchverbot aus den 1980er Jahren, welches eine gewisse Art der Unterdrückung ist, aufgehoben und “das Multiplikatorenproblem” des Umsturzes vom 28. Februar gelöst worden. Militärische Rituale in der Bildung, Massenfeierlichkeiten in Stadien, “nationaler Sicherheitsunterricht” und “Grundschuleid”, die faschistische Ideologien sind, wurden abgeschafft.
Der Weg für diejenigen, die eine Religionsausbildung wollten, wurde geebnet und in diesem Zusammenhang wurden harte und unrechtmäßige Vorschriften aufgehoben. Die mittleren Ausbildungsklassen der Prediger- und Vorbeterschulen wurden erneut eröffnet, die Schulpflicht wurde in einer flexibleren Struktur auf 12 Jahre erhöht. Die Schulen wurden erneuert und die Klassenzahlen erhöht, so dass sich die Schüleranzahl in den Klassen auf normale Zahlen reduzierte. Die Universitätskontingente wurden aufgestockt, Studiengebühren aufgehoben und die Möglichkeiten für finanzielle Förderung und Studentenwohnheime vermehrt.
Projekte und Unterstützungen
Hinsichtlich der Schülerinnen wurden positive Maßnahmen eingeleitet. Schulbücher werden kostenlos verteilt, armen Familien wird eine Ausbildungshilfe ausgezahlt. Für eine gesunde und regelmäßige Ernährung begann man in den Schulen mit der kostenlosen Verteilung von Milch. Um die SchülerInnen besser mit der Technologie vertraut zu machen, wurde das Projekt Fatih begonnen. Man begann, jeder/m SchülerIn kostenlos einen Tablett-PC auszuhändigen und sowohl in Grund- als auch in Mittelschulen ist man in allen Klassen zu Smartboards übergegangen. Jedoch hat die Türkei bei diesen Reformen dafür weder die technische und logistische noch die philosophische, programmatische und wissenschaftliche Infrastruktur entwickelt. Es wurden keine Maßnahmen gegen die negativen Auswirkungen getroffen. Der Rat für Hochschulausbildung und TÜBITAK[3] haben zur Entwicklung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung und Chancengleichheit für alle Gesellschaftsschichten neue Projekte begonnen. Für Studenten und Akademiker aus allen Schichten wurden finanzielle Mittel für Auslandsausbildungen zur Verfügung gestellt, und es gelang größtenteils die Chancengleichheit zu gewährleisten.
“Neue Türkei”: Ergebnisse und bestehende Mängel
Die Türkei hat die Reformprojekte auf dem Gebiet der Ausbildung größtenteils durchgeführt bzw. führt sie weiterhin durch, jedoch werden diese langfristig Auswirkungen zeigen. Trotz alldem ist die Qualität der Bildung in der “neuen Türkei” niedrig, und es wurde nicht auf die Qualität geachtet[3]. Die Anzahl der UniversitätsabsolventInnen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt ist relativ gering. Die Qualität der LehrerInnen bzw. DozentInnen wird überhaupt nicht diskutiert. Dringend muss dieser Infrastrukturmangel bei Universitäten, Lehrkräften, Laboren, Büchereien und Forschungszentren, bei denen eine Infrastruktur mancherorts gar nicht vorhanden ist, behoben werden. Ansonsten werden die quantitativen Reformen neue Probleme mit sich bringen.
In den letzten zehn Jahren erkennt man große Entwicklungen auf allen Ebenen des türkischen Bildungssystems. Wenn man sich die Effektivität dieser Reformen ansieht, erkennt man, dass die Türkei in den letzten 10 Jahren bei den TIMSS und PISA-Auswertungen ernsthaft Fortschritte gemacht hat. Wenn man die PISA-Daten von 2009 berücksichtigt, kann man bei den durchschnittlichen Punkte- und Leistungsparametern Anstiege verzeichnen, jedoch ist der Rang unter den OECD-Ländern noch sehr niedrig. Viele wichtige Probleme und Schwierigkeiten sind weiterhin im türkischen Bildungssystem existent[5]. Obwohl die türkische Regierung durch verschiedene Kanäle jedes Jahr für die Bildung noch mehr öffentliche Mittel und Möglichkeiten zur Verfügung stellt, ist dies zum Vergleich zu OECD- und EU-Ländern unter Betrachtung der Investitionen für Bildung pro Kopf national noch unzureichend.
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Literaturhinweise
- Barak A. Salmoni, “Ordered liberty and disciplined freedom: Turkish Education and Republican Democracy, 1923-1950”, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol: 40, No: 2, March 2004, pp.80-108.
- Turam, Berna. Secular State and Religious Society, Two Forces in Play in Turkey, NY: Palgrave, McMillan, 2012.
Webressourcen
- Sektion “Erziehung” bei der Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (Ankara) (nur in Türkisch): http://setav.org/tr/Konular/15/egitim (Letzter Zugriff 24.1.2015).
- Education Reform Initiative (ERI) am Istanbul Policy Center der Sabancı University (Istanbul): http://erg.sabanciuniv.edu/en (Letzter Zugriff 24.1.2015).
- Lehrergewerkschaft der Türkei (teilweise in Englisch): http://www.egitimbirsen.org.tr/egitime-bakis (Letzter Zugriff 24.1.2015).
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[1] Çelik, Zafer and GÜR Bekir Sıtkı. “Turkey’s Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)”, [Ak Parti Döneminde Türkiye’nin Eğitim Politikası], Insight Turkey V.15/No:4 (2014), pp.151-176.
[2] ÖSYM 2012-2013 Öğretim Yılı Yükseköğretim İstatistikleri [Higher Counsel Educational Statistic for 2012-2013], Ankara: ÖSYM, 2013.
[3] Çevik, İlnur. “Kurdish Schools Being Used as a Propaganda Ploy”, Daily Sabah, 18 September 2014.
[3] TÜBITAK = Türkische wissenschaftliche und technische Forschungsanstalt.
[5] OECD Education at a Glance 2013: OECD Indicators, Paris: OECD Publishing, 2013.
MEB Milli Eğitim İstatistikleri: Örgün ve Yaygın Eğitim 2013-2014 [The Ministry Of Education Statistics: Formal and Non-Formal Education], Ankara: MEB Yay., 2014.
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Abbildungsnachweis
Writing Exams in Istanbul 2007 (c) ccarlstead (via flickr)
Übersetzung aus dem Türkischen
von Linguamon GmbH (Dortmund)
Empfohlene Zitierweise
Gündüz, Mustafa: Neue Türkei, neue Bildungsfragen. In: Public History Weekly 3 (2015) 6, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2015-3270.
Türkiye’de eğitim sistemi, 18 milyondan fazla öğrencisiyle yoğun bir gayretin ve değişimin içindedir. Açık bir şekilde görülmektedir ki, “eski Türkiye”yi “Yeni Türkiye”ye dönüştürmek için, eğitim sisteminin nicel ve nitel alanlarında son on yıldır radikal adımlar atılmaktadır. Ancak, bütün bunlar “Yeni Türkiye”ye giden yolda yeterli görülmemektedir ve hâlâ eğitim sisteminde ciddi sorunlar vardır. Eğitim bakanlığı köklü sorunları çözmek ve başarılı reformlar yapabilmek için gayret göstermektedir.
“Yeni Türkiye” ve “Yeni” Toplum Kavramları
20. yüzyılın başlarında Osmanlı Devleti parçalanıp, yeni Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kurulurken aydınlar, mevcut durumu ve geleceği tanımlamak için yazılarının başına genellikle “yeni” sıfatını koyuyorlardı. Böylece “yeni Türkiye”, “yeni toplum”, “yeni nesil”, “yeni kültür” gibi kavramsallaştırmalar yaparak geçmişle gelecek arasındaki belirgin farklılığa işaret ediyorlardı. Aradan yüz yıl geçtikten sonra bu gün Türkiye’de yeniden sıklıkla “yeni Türkiye” “yeni toplum ve siyaset”, “yeni devlet” gibi kavramsallaştırmalar yapılmaya başlandı. Bu durum Türkiye’de siyaset, devlet, toplumsal yapı ve zihniyet dünyasında oluşan radikal değişimleri anlatmaktadır. Değişimin dinamosunu 2002’de iktidara gelen AK Parti üstlenerek yeni Türkiye’nin inşası yolunda hızlı adımlar atılmaya devam edilmektedir. 2000’li yılların başından itibaren bu büyük sorun yumağından kurtulmak için eğitimin hemen her kademesinde bir çok adım atılmıştır.
2000’li yıllar sonrasında Türk Eğitim Sisteminde Nicel Gelişmeler
Örneğin: okul öncesi eğitim: Daha önce hiç olmadığı kadar önem verilmiştir. Okul öncesine eğitime kayıt oranı 2000 yılında % 5.38 iken bu rakam, 36-72 aylık çocuklar arasında 2014’ün başında % 40’a kadar gelmiştir. Bu dönemde özel teşebbüsün ana okulu açma fırsatları genişletilmiştir. 150 kişiden fazla işçi çalıştıran işletmelere kreş açma zorunluluğu getirilmiştir. Benzer gelişmeler ilk okullarda da olmuştur. 2002’de çağ nüfusunun %90,90’ı okula giderken bu oran 2014’te % 99,5’lere kadar gelmiştir. Böylece ilköğretim alanındaki okullaşma oranı gelişmiş ülkelerin oranlarına yaklaşmıştır. Benzer nicel gelişmeler orta öğretimde de yaşanmıştır. 2000’li yılların başında orta öğretime kayıt oranı Türkiye’de yaklaşık % 50 idi. Özellikle 2011’de 4+4+4 olarak şöhret bulan, zorunlu eğitimin 12 yıla çıkarılma yasasının kabul edilmesinden sonra bu oran % 75’e kadar gelmiştir.[1]
Yükseköğretimde gelişmeler
Eğitimde nicel gelişmelerin en belirgin yaşandığı alan ise yükseköğretim olmuştur. 2000’li yılların başında 1.8 milyon öğrenci üniversite sınavına giriyor, ancak 660.000 öğrenci kayıt hakkı elde edebiliyordu, kayıt oranı % 14.65 idi. 2014’e gelindiğinde üniversiteye kayıt oranı % 40’a yaklaştı. 2001’de Türkiye’de 76 üniversite varken 2014’te 196’ya ulaştı. Bunlardan 73’ü vakıf üniversitesidir. Son 14 yılda Cumhuriyet tarihinde açılan üniversite sayısı üç katına yaklaşmıştır.[2]
2000’li Yıllar Sonrasında Eğitim sisteminde bazı nitel gelişmeler
Türkiye’nin son 10 yılda eğitim alanında kaydettiği gelişmeler elbette bu nicel gelişmelerle sınırlı değildir. En başta, Türk eğitim sisteminin program yapı ve felsefesi, çağdaş değerler ve gereklilikler doğrultusunda değiştirildi. AB program ve yönetmelikleriyle eş güdüm ve uyum benimsenerek tedricen uygulamaya konuldu. Darbe döneminin bir çok uygulamasına son verildi. 1980’lerden beri bir tür zulüm olan “başörtüsü” yasağı ve 28 Şubat Darbesinin ürünü “katsayı sorunu” Anayasal temelleri atılmasa da çözüldü. Eğitimdeki militarist ritüellerden “stadyumlarda bayram kutlamaları”, “milli güvenlik dersi” ve “ilkokul andı” gibi faşizan ve tek-tipçi ideolojik uygulamalara son verildi.
Demokratik Adımlar
Din eğitimi isteyenlerin önü açıldı ve bu konudaki sert ve haksız uygulamalar kaldırıldı. İmam Hatip okullarının orta kısımları yeniden açılırken, zorunlu eğitim süresi daha esnek bir yapıyla 12 yıla çıkarıldı. Okulların yenilenmesi ve yeni dersliklerle, sınıflardaki öğrenci sayısı daha makul seviyelere indi. Üniversite kontenjanları arttırıldı, öğrenim ücretleri kaldırıldı, burs ve yurt imkanları çoğaltıldı.
Projeler ve destekler
Kız çocuklarına yönelik pozitif katkılar yapıldı. Okul ders kitapları ücretsiz dağıtılırken fakir ailelere eğitim yardımı yapılmaya başlandı. Düzenli ve sağlıklı beslenme için okullarda süt dağıtımı yapıldı. Öğrencilerin teknolojiden daha fazla yararlanması için FATİH projesi başlatılarak, her öğrenciye ücretsiz tablet dağıtımına başlandı ve ilk ve orta öğretimin bütün sınıflarında akıllı tahta uygulamasına geçildi. Ancak Türkiye bu reformun hem teknik ve lojistik hem de program, bilgi ve felsefe yönüyle alt yapısını hazırlamadı. Buradan doğacak olumsuzluklara yönelik önlemler alınmadı.
Yüksek Öğretim Kurulu ve TÜBİTAK, bilimsel araştırmaların gelişmesi ve fırsatların toplumun bütün kesimlerine yayılması için yeni projeler başlattı. Yurtdışı burs ve eğitim imkanları her kesimden öğrenci ve akademisyene açılarak eğitimde fırsat ve imkan eşitliği büyük ölçüde sağlandı.
Yine de eksik yönler var
Türkiye eğitim alanında ürünlerini ancak uzun vadede görebileceği atılımları büyük ölçüde yapmıştır/yapmaktadır. Bütün bunlara rağmen, “yeni Türkiye” için eğitimin kalitesi hayli düşüktür ve kaliteye vurgu yapılmamıştır.[3] İş gücü piyasasında üniversite mezunu çalışan sayısı hayli düşüktür. Öğretmen ve öğretim üyesi niteliği hiç konuluşmayan konulardır. Alt yapısı, öğretim üyesi, laboratuvarı, kütüphanesi, araştırma merkezi olmayan üniversitelerde bu açıkların kapatılması en acil ihtiyaçtır. Aksi halde nicel alanın reformları yeni sorunlar haline getirecektir.
Sonuç olarak
Son on yıldır Türkiye eğitimin bütün alanlarında büyük gelişmeler kaydetmektedir. Yapılan reformların etkilerine bakıldığında, Türkiye’nin son on yıldır TIMSS ve PISA verilerinde ciddi ilerlemeler kaydettiği görülür. 2009 PISA verilerine göre ortalama puan ve performans artmış görünse de, OECD ülkeleri arasındaki yer hâlâ çok düşüktür. Bir çok önemli sorun ve zorluk Türk eğitim sisteminde varlığını sürdürmeye devam etmektedir.[4] Türkiye hükümetinin değişik kanallarla, her geçen yıl eğitime daha büyük kamu fon ve imkanlarını seferber etmesine karşın, OECD ve Avrupa Birliği ülkeleriyle karşılaştırıldığında, ülke genelinde kişi başına harcanan eğitim ücreti mütevazi kalmaktadır.
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Tavsiye edilen okuma metinleri
- Barak A. Salmoni, “Ordered liberty and disciplined freedom: Turkish Education and Republican Democracy, 1923-1950”, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol: 40, No: 2, March 2004, pp.80-108.
- Turam, Berna. Secular State and Religious Society, Two Forces in Play in Turkey, NY: Palgrave, McMillan, 2012.
İnternet siteleri
- http://setav.org/tr/Konular/15/egitim (24.1.2015).
- http://erg.sabanciuniv.edu/tr (24.1.2015).
- http://www.egitimbirsen.org.tr/egitime-bakis (24.1.2015).
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[1] Çelik, Zafer and GÜR Bekir Sıtkı. “Turkey’s Education Policy During the AK Party Era (2002-2013)”, [Ak Parti Döneminde Türkiye’nin Eğitim Politikası], Insight Turkey V.15/No:4 (2014), pp.151-176.
[2] ÖSYM 2012-2013 Öğretim Yılı Yükseköğretim İstatistikleri [Higher Counsel Educational Statistic for 2012-2013], Ankara: ÖSYM, 2013.
[3] Çevik, İlnur. “Kurdish Schools Being Used as a Propaganda Ploy”, Daily Sabah, 18 September 2014.
[4] OECD Education at a Glance 2013: OECD Indicators, Paris: OECD Publishing, 2013.
MEB Milli Eğitim İstatistikleri: Örgün ve Yaygın Eğitim 2013-2014 [The Ministry Of Education Statistics: Formal and Non-Formal Education], Ankara: MEB Yay., 2014.
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Image Credits
© Mustafa Gündüz 2014.
Recommended Citation
Gündüz, Mustafa: The New Turkey and New Educational Questions. In: Public History Weekly 3 (2015) 6, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2015-3270.
Copyright (c) 2015 by De Gruyter Oldenbourg and the author, all rights reserved. This work may be copied and redistributed for non-commercial, educational purposes, if permission is granted by the author and usage right holders. For permission please contact: elise.wintz (at) degruyter.com.
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Categories: 3 (2015) 6
DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2015-3270
Tags: Contemporary History (Zeitgeschichte), Education Policy (Bildungspolitik), Language: Turkish, Turkey (Türkei)
NEW EDUCATION PROBLEMS IN “NEW TURKEY”?
Riding on a wave?
The expansion which the education system in Turkey undertook in recent years took place in relation to an overall growth. Turkey experienced quite a few phases of strong economic growth, we should not regard the recent as an exemption which took place thanks to some ‘outstanding qualities’ of ruling AK Party. The recent growth-period has already passed by and is remembered particularly for one reason as remarkable: The unstable social formation of the 1990‘s and the deep economic crisis of the early 2000‘s which can be regarded as a result of the highly clientelistic Neoliberalism which emerged in Turkey as result of the 1980 military coup. The latter finally ended the Turkish experiment with (Social) Democracy and replaced it by politics of oppressive economic liberalisation. In that context strong emphasis on Kemalist heritage was made, but had a rather instrumental nature: to create consensus for the state apparatus – a prominent actor in the transformation. Many state-fetishist rites in Turkish education system made their symbolic references to the early republican period, but were much stronger related to the missing consent for economic liberalisation which was a key-problem for Turkish policy makers after 1980. With the establishment of the order and a changing intellectual climate traditional state-fetishist rites went obsolete and removing them can be hardly regarded as an sole innovation of AK Party which felt now enabled to launch a discourse on “New Turkey”.
Nevertheless AK Party represented in her economic politics a continuity to the established order. The party committed strongly to politics of re-regulating Turkish neoliberalism by the means of following IMF- and EU-integration politics introduced by the parties precessing her. Turkey became more predictable for investors which in course made huge investments throughout the 2000‘s supported by privatisation politics and high liquidity in global markets. General economic expansion enabled investments in infrastructure as well as in education facilities. Founding new universities strongly followed an already ongoing trend.
Supporting or blocking qualitative change?
Regarding the institutional design of education politics nothing has changed fundamentally from what has been introduced in the aftermath of September 12th (1980). The main heritage left by the September Junta is the Higher Council for Education (YÖK) which for example appoints the rectors of state-run universities and the deans of faculties. An university system based on the principle of scientific self-administration is not existent in Turkey. Today the president of republic, the council of ministers and the universities are appointing each one third of the members of YÖK. This guarantees a tight political control and the government is not indenting to reinforce self-administration in academic affairs, but is about to tighten centralism – as discussions on extending the authority of YÖK to private universities are indicating.
Students and teaching staff in Turkish universities are facing increasing political and legal pressures – for example when protesting against YÖK, or against the further economisation of the Turkish education system.
Turkey already enjoyed an university system based on principle of self administration which had been introduced in 1961 and abolished in 1980. The main reason for its abolition can be found in the effects of raising education levels which enabled to formulate critiques on society and education as a societal question. It is certainly no exaggeration to evaluate the so called Gezi revolt as Turkeys second 1968. Nevertheless “New Turkeys” strategies to govern civilian disobedience are resembling the realities of “Old Turkey”.
Many students and members of teaching stuff have been punished hard for taking part in the Gezi-movement or taking part in other protest implies to take significant risks. This risks are not solely juridical, as assistance for students is distributed very often by clientelistic means. One very striking feature of Turkish universities is a strong presence of security forces on campus ares and they are to be replaced by ordinary police forces – this illustrates the big lack of trust.
That revolt might have had not necessarily taken place, if societal remarks or critiques would have taken more seriously. Discussing the 4+4+4 system purely as an extension of compulsory schooling, does not mention its qualitative dimension which is still being discussed controversially: Within the new system non-secular education is given a much higher importance – unfortunately in many cases at expense of secular education opportunities. Ending discriminating practices as they were the case for veiled female students can be debated as progress, unfortunately new patterns of discrimination have been created. This adds to a situation in which societal confrontation finds a fertile ground – the extreme politicisation of religion in education politics constitutes a disadvantage for both camps.
Overall the tendency to see in educational institutions a potential space for resistance and danger prevails one of the premises of Turkish politics – and obstacles significant qualitative changes in education. Therefore some problems of the education system shall be discussed rather in a broader context than as isolated issues to be solved by technocratically achieving EU standards or climbing upward in some OECD-rankings. A system centred around the principle of reaching high scores in multiple choice examinations hardly stimulates creativity. The people who are raising their critiques rather praising “New Turkey” might be identified as potential agents toward an qualitative transformation in education based on a culture of dispute and creativity.
I believe that the educational problems are the most important ones if one compares them with the others. Turkey’s authorities try permanently to ensure economical and social development jumps, but these problems are chronically met in front of the improvement experiences as a barrier. For these reasons, this topic will not lose its importance in the near future and it will wait continuously to be solved by policy makers. From this perspective, the article has the meaning to show the direction and to ensure social peace and development for the politicians. Thanks to Professor Gündüz for the enlightening.